What can political theology contribute in an age of political fragmentation?
Jonathan Cole
Posted 5 Sep 20195 Sep 2019, updated 19 Oct 202019 Oct 2020
Many Christians do not bring their theological convictions to bear on their political context in any self-reflective, critical, or systematic manner. (Cavan Images / Getty Images)
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Anarchist political philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon memorably defined theology as “the science of the infinitely absurd.” Proudhon, who made this remark in 1840, was well ahead of his time. For it is only more recently, thanks in no small part to the latter-day high priests of atheism, that religion is now widely held to be responsible for all manner of political problems large and small. Yet if the follies of the twentieth-century’s secular political ideologies are any guide, removing theology from politics is no panacea against absurdity.
The reason that politics is so liable to absurdity, by atheist and theist alike, is the fact that it fundamentally transcends human capability. That is to say, that the complex set of mutually interacting variables that characterise the political arena transcend the fallible human minds, finite human lives and fallen human natures which are expected to master it. This variability presents a real challenge to political analysis. As Jack Hayward soberingly observed, “political scientists have the capacity to offer some hindsight, a little insight and almost no foresight.”
Today, even the elemental task of describing political reality is contested, particularly in the context of fake news, post-truth and ideological fragmentation, whereby alternative political realities now vie for allegiance (or a following on social media).
Adding theology to political analysis does not resolve the challenge posed by the latter’s complexity. Nor does it lift the veil of mystery that obscures political destiny. If anything, theology simply compounds the difficulty of political analysis by adding its own complex set of variables to the equation. It also comes with its own set of internal disputes — as even a cursory glance at the literature of contemporary biblical studies reveals — not to mention the well-worn doctrinal and ecclesial differences that have divided Christians for centuries.
Still, political theology is no more an option for the Christian than political thought is an option for the thinking human being. For we all live within a political order and under some form of political authority, both of which materially affect our lives and elicit from us some kind of response, whether it be protest, acquiescence or cooperation. We all form, whether consciously or passively, certain ideas about the nature, purpose and legitimacy of the political order in which we live and those entrusted to preside over it.
The Christian believer cannot help but understand that political order in the light of his or her theological convictions. While those convictions might appear absurd to the growing chorus of religion’s despisers, they are what make politics intelligible and meaningful to the Christian, recalling that the atheist has no special inoculation against the transcendent mystery of politics and the tragic absurdity to which it is susceptible.
And yet many Christians, perhaps even a majority, do not bring their theological convictions to bear on their political context in any self-reflective, critical, or systematic manner. This dereliction of duty, if it can be characterised as such, has indeed led some Christians into the realm of political absurdity.
Jonathan Cole
Posted 5 Sep 20195 Sep 2019, updated 19 Oct 202019 Oct 2020
Many Christians do not bring their theological convictions to bear on their political context in any self-reflective, critical, or systematic manner. (Cavan Images / Getty Images)
Share
Anarchist political philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon memorably defined theology as “the science of the infinitely absurd.” Proudhon, who made this remark in 1840, was well ahead of his time. For it is only more recently, thanks in no small part to the latter-day high priests of atheism, that religion is now widely held to be responsible for all manner of political problems large and small. Yet if the follies of the twentieth-century’s secular political ideologies are any guide, removing theology from politics is no panacea against absurdity.
The reason that politics is so liable to absurdity, by atheist and theist alike, is the fact that it fundamentally transcends human capability. That is to say, that the complex set of mutually interacting variables that characterise the political arena transcend the fallible human minds, finite human lives and fallen human natures which are expected to master it. This variability presents a real challenge to political analysis. As Jack Hayward soberingly observed, “political scientists have the capacity to offer some hindsight, a little insight and almost no foresight.”
Today, even the elemental task of describing political reality is contested, particularly in the context of fake news, post-truth and ideological fragmentation, whereby alternative political realities now vie for allegiance (or a following on social media).
Adding theology to political analysis does not resolve the challenge posed by the latter’s complexity. Nor does it lift the veil of mystery that obscures political destiny. If anything, theology simply compounds the difficulty of political analysis by adding its own complex set of variables to the equation. It also comes with its own set of internal disputes — as even a cursory glance at the literature of contemporary biblical studies reveals — not to mention the well-worn doctrinal and ecclesial differences that have divided Christians for centuries.
Still, political theology is no more an option for the Christian than political thought is an option for the thinking human being. For we all live within a political order and under some form of political authority, both of which materially affect our lives and elicit from us some kind of response, whether it be protest, acquiescence or cooperation. We all form, whether consciously or passively, certain ideas about the nature, purpose and legitimacy of the political order in which we live and those entrusted to preside over it.
The Christian believer cannot help but understand that political order in the light of his or her theological convictions. While those convictions might appear absurd to the growing chorus of religion’s despisers, they are what make politics intelligible and meaningful to the Christian, recalling that the atheist has no special inoculation against the transcendent mystery of politics and the tragic absurdity to which it is susceptible.
And yet many Christians, perhaps even a majority, do not bring their theological convictions to bear on their political context in any self-reflective, critical, or systematic manner. This dereliction of duty, if it can be characterised as such, has indeed led some Christians into the realm of political absurdity.
What can political theology contribute in an age of political fragmentation?
Jonathan Cole
Posted 5 Sep 20195 Sep 2019, updated 19 Oct 202019 Oct 2020
Many Christians do not bring their theological convictions to bear on their political context in any self-reflective, critical, or systematic manner. (Cavan Images / Getty Images)
Share
Anarchist political philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon memorably defined theology as “the science of the infinitely absurd.” Proudhon, who made this remark in 1840, was well ahead of his time. For it is only more recently, thanks in no small part to the latter-day high priests of atheism, that religion is now widely held to be responsible for all manner of political problems large and small. Yet if the follies of the twentieth-century’s secular political ideologies are any guide, removing theology from politics is no panacea against absurdity.
The reason that politics is so liable to absurdity, by atheist and theist alike, is the fact that it fundamentally transcends human capability. That is to say, that the complex set of mutually interacting variables that characterise the political arena transcend the fallible human minds, finite human lives and fallen human natures which are expected to master it. This variability presents a real challenge to political analysis. As Jack Hayward soberingly observed, “political scientists have the capacity to offer some hindsight, a little insight and almost no foresight.”
Today, even the elemental task of describing political reality is contested, particularly in the context of fake news, post-truth and ideological fragmentation, whereby alternative political realities now vie for allegiance (or a following on social media).
Adding theology to political analysis does not resolve the challenge posed by the latter’s complexity. Nor does it lift the veil of mystery that obscures political destiny. If anything, theology simply compounds the difficulty of political analysis by adding its own complex set of variables to the equation. It also comes with its own set of internal disputes — as even a cursory glance at the literature of contemporary biblical studies reveals — not to mention the well-worn doctrinal and ecclesial differences that have divided Christians for centuries.
Still, political theology is no more an option for the Christian than political thought is an option for the thinking human being. For we all live within a political order and under some form of political authority, both of which materially affect our lives and elicit from us some kind of response, whether it be protest, acquiescence or cooperation. We all form, whether consciously or passively, certain ideas about the nature, purpose and legitimacy of the political order in which we live and those entrusted to preside over it.
The Christian believer cannot help but understand that political order in the light of his or her theological convictions. While those convictions might appear absurd to the growing chorus of religion’s despisers, they are what make politics intelligible and meaningful to the Christian, recalling that the atheist has no special inoculation against the transcendent mystery of politics and the tragic absurdity to which it is susceptible.
And yet many Christians, perhaps even a majority, do not bring their theological convictions to bear on their political context in any self-reflective, critical, or systematic manner. This dereliction of duty, if it can be characterised as such, has indeed led some Christians into the realm of political absurdity.
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